The same problems would arise in the reverse direction if, as many scholars have done, the term caste cluster, caste complex or caste category is used for divisions of a higher order and the term caste or jati is used for divisions of a lower order. I hope to show in this paper how the principle of division is also a primary principle competing with the principle of hierarchy and having important implications for Indian society and culture. In 1931, their total population was more than 1,700,000, nearly one-fourth of the total population of Gujarat. Real Estate Software Dubai > blog > manvar surname caste in gujarat. Nor were ekdas and tads entirely an urban phenomenon. We had seen earlier that in the first-order division, such as that of the Rajputs, there were no second-order divisions, and no attempt was made to form small endogamous units: hypergamy had free play, as it were. They are described by the ruling elite as robbers, dacoits, marauders, predators and the like. The Rajputs relationship with the Kolis penetrated every second-order division among them, i.e., Talapada, Pardeshi, Chumvalia, Palia, and so on. A block printed and resist-dyed fabric, whose origin is from Gujarat was found in the tombs of Fostat, Egypt. Hindu society is usually described as divided into a number of castes the boundaries of which are maintained by the rule of caste endogamy. Gujarat did not have anything like the non-Brahmin movement of South India and Maharashtra before 1947. caste: [noun] one of the hereditary social classes in Hinduism that restrict the occupation of their members and their association with the members of other castes. I hope to show that the integration of the study of caste in urban areas with that of rural areas is essential to a comprehensive understanding of caste and its implications for Indian society and culture. Even if we assume, for a moment, that the basic nature of a structure or institution was the same, we need to know its urban form or variant. First, since the tads were formed relatively recently, it is easier to get information about their formation than about the formation of ekdas. In the plains, therefore, every village had one or more towns in its vicinity. Of particular importance seems to be the fact that a section of the urban population was more or less isolatedsome may say, alienatedfrom the rural masses from generation to generation. This list may not reflect recent changes. Thus, the result was the spread of the population of a caste division towards its fringes. We shall return to this issue later. Koli Patels are recognised as a Other Backward Class caste by Government of Gujarat. In spite of them, however, sociologists and social anthropologists have not filled adequately the void left by the disappearance of caste from the census and the gazetteer. Usually it consisted of wealthy and powerful lineages, distinguishing themselves by some appellation, such as Patidar among the Leva Kanbi, Desai among the Anavil, and Baj among the Khedawal. While we do get evidence of fission of caste divisions of a higher order into two or more divisions of a lower order, the mere existence of divisions of a lower order should not be taken as evidence of fission in a division of a higher order. What may be called the census approach influenced a great deal of scholarly work. All associations originated in large towns, are more active in towns than in villages, and are led by prominent members in towns. Significantly, a large number of social thinkers and workers who propagated against the hierarchical features of caste came from urban centres. So in this way, the Maharashtra caste list is given to all cast Aarakshan belonging to the Scheduled Castes category for the state of MH. The Kolis in such an area may not even be concerned about a second-order divisional name and may be known simply as Kolis. For example, just as there was a Shrimali division among Sonis (goldsmiths). However, on the basis of the meagre information I have, I am able to make a few points. Since the beginning of the modern reform movement to encourage inter-caste marriages-most of which are in fact inter-tad or inter-ekda marriagesthe old process of fission into ekdas and tads has come to a halt, and it is, therefore, difficult to understand this process without making a systematic historical enquiry. In effect, the Vania population in a large town like Ahmedabad could have a considerable number of small endogamous units of the third or the fourth order, each with its entire population living and marrying within the town itself. The point is that there was nothing like the endogamous unit but there were only several units of various orders with defined roles in endogamy. Together they provide a slice of Gujarati society from the sea- coast to the bordering highlands. While certain first-order divisions were found mainly in towns, the population of certain other first-order divisions was dispersed in villages as well as in towns, the population of the rural and the urban sections differing from one division to another. In each of these three divisions the top stratum was clear. Within each of these divisions, small endogamous units (ekdas, gols, bandhos) were organized from time to time to get relief from the difficulties inherent in hypergamy. The above brief analysis of change in caste in modern Gujarat has, I hope, indicated that an overall view of changes in caste in modern India should include a careful study of changes in rural as well as in urban areas in relation to their past. (surname) Me caste; Mer (community) Meta Qureshi; Mistri caste; Miyana (community) Modh; Motisar (caste) Multani Lohar; Muslim Wagher; Mutwa; N . They were thus not of the same status as most other second-order divisions among Brahmans. Our analysis of caste in towns has shown how it differed significantly from that in villages. These divisions have, however, been kept out of the present analysis for reasons which have become well known to students of Hindu society since the 1950s. The co-residence of people belonging to two or more divisions of the lower orders within a division of a higher order has been a prominent feature of caste in towns and cities. How many sub-divisions existed in the various divisions of the various orders is a matter of empirical investigation. Both were recognized as Brahman but as degraded ones. They adopted Rajput customs and traditions, claimed Rajput status, and gave daughters in marriage to Rajputs in the lower rungs of Rajput hierarchy. The following 157 pages are in this category, out of 157 total. The idea of inter-caste marriage is, moreover, linked with the idea of creating such a society involves a compromise with, if not subtle negation of, the ideal. Kolis were the largest first-order division in Gujarat. To give just one example, one large street in Baroda, of immigrant Kanbis from the Ahmedabad area, named Ahmedabadi Pol, was divided into two small parallel streets. It will readily be agreed that the sociological study of Indian towns and cities has not made as much progress as has the study of Indian villages. Although I have not, during my limited field work, come across hypergamous marriages between Rajputs and Bhils, ethnographic reports and other literature frequently refer to such marriages (see, for example, Naik 1956: 18f; Nath I960. In these divisions an increasing number of marriages are taking place against the grain of traditional hierarchy, i.e., girls of traditionally higher strata marry boys of traditionally lower strata. Sometimes castes are described as becoming ethnic groups in modern India, particularly in urban India. For example, if they belonged to two different second-order divisions, such as Shrimali and Modh, the punishment would be greater than if they belonged to two different ekdas within the Shrimali or the Modh division. All of this information supports the point emerging from the above analysis, that frequently there was relatively little concern for ritual status between the second-order divisions within a first- order division than there was between the first-order divisions. It used to have a panch (council of leaders) and sometimes also a headman (patel). All this trade encouraged development of trading and commercial towns in the rest of Gujarat, even in the highland area. Tapodhans were priests in Shiva temples. The institutions of both bride and bridegroom price (the latter also called dowry) were rampant in castes with continuous internal hierarchydowry mainly at the upper levels, bride price mainly at the lower levels, and both dowry and bride price among status-seeking middle level families. The census operations, in particular, spread as they were over large areas, gave a great impetus to writings on what Srinivas has called the horizontal dimension of caste (1952: 31f;1966: 9,44,92,98-100,114-17). As a consequence, the continuities of social institutions and the potentiality of endogenous elements for bringing about change are overlooked (for a discussion of some other difficulties with these paradigms, see Lynch 1977). It is not claimed that separation, or even repulsion, may not be present somewhere as an independent factor (1972: 346,n.55b). The main aim of this paper is to discuss, on the basis of data derived mainly from Gujarat, these and other problems connected with the horizontal dimension of caste. That Rajputs were one of the divisions, if not the only division of the first-order, not having further divisions, has already been mentioned. Indeed, a major achievement of Indian sociology during the last thirty years or so has been deeper understanding of caste in the village context in particular and of its hierarchical dimension in general. I have, therefore, considered them a first-order division and not a second-order one among Brahmans (for a fuller discussion of the status of Anavils, see Joshi, 1966; Van der Veen 1972; Shah, 1979). I should hasten to add, however, that the open-minded scholar that he is, he does not rule out completely the possibility of separation existing as independent principle. Hypergamy was accompanied by sanskritization of at least a section of the tribal population, their claim to the Kshatriya Varna and their economic and political symbiosis with the caste population. Also, the horizontal spread of a caste rarely coincided with the territorial boundaries of a political authority. In all there were about eighty such divisions. For example, among Vanias in a large town like Ahmedabad many of the thirty or forty second-order divisions (such as Khadayata, Modh, Porwad, Shrimali, and so on) were represented. The earliest caste associations were formed in Bombay in the middle of the 19th century among migrants belonging to the primarily urban and upper castes from Gujarat, such as Vanias, Bhatias and Lohanas (see Dobbin 1972: 74-76, 121-30, 227f, 259-61). Vankar is described as a caste as well as a community. stream The existence of flexibility at both the levels was made possible by the flexibility of the category Rajput. Most of the second-order divisions were further divided into third-order divisions. There was considerable elaboration in urban areas of what Ghurye long ago called the community aspect of caste (1932: 179) and frequently, this led to juxtaposition rather than hierarchy between caste divisions of the same order. No sooner had the village studies begun that their limitations and the need for studying caste in its horizontal dimension were realized. In the second kind of area, indigenous Kolis live side-by-side with immigrant Kolis from an adjoining area. This tendency reaches its culmination in the world of Dumont. Bougies repulsion) rather than on hierarchy was a feature of caste in certain contexts and situations in traditional India, and increasing emphasis on division in urban Indian in modern times is an accentuation of what existed in the past. ), as contrasted with the horizontal unity of the caste. Gujarat (along with Bombay) has perhaps the largest number of caste associations and they are also more active and wealthy compared to those in other regions. Usually, the latter were distinguished from one another by prohibition. Real Estate Software Dubai > blog > manvar surname caste in gujarat. The latter continued to be the provincial capital during Mughal rule. Here, usually, what mattered was the first-order division, as for example Brahman, Vania, Rajput, Kanbi, carpenter, barber, leather-worker, and so on. Vankar is described as a caste as well as a community. While the Rajputs, Leva Patidars, Anavils and Khedawals have been notorious for high dowries, and the Kolis have been looked down upon for their practice of bride price, the Vanias have been paying neither.
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